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1.5. From PTs to modern Tsezian languages.
While reconstructing PTs, it is convenient to use two intermediate
reconstructions - PTsKh (the protolanguage of the modern West-Tsezian languages:
Tsezi, Ginukh, Khvarshi and Inkhokwari) and PGB (the protolanguage of the modern
East-Tsezian languages: Gunzib and Bezhta). Intermediate PTsKh and PGB reflexes
will be listed in our tables together with reflexes in modern languages.
Some correspondences between Tsezian languages were established in the work
of Y. A. Bokarev [Áîêàðåâ 1959], but there was no reconstruction of the original
system. Extremely short and absolutely insufficient notes on the putative PTs
system are contained in the work [Gigineyshvili 1977]. Finally, an attempt to
reconstruct the common Tsezian phonological system was made by T. Gudava
([Gudava 1979]); but, unlike the Andian reconstruction of the same author, this work
can hardly be considered plausible (there is no analysis of specific correlations in
voice/voicelessness between different Tsezian languages, problems of the
reconstruction of laterals, hissing, hushing and uvular fricatives are not solved, no
adequate reconstruction of vocalism is given).
1.5.1. Consonantism.
We reconstruct the following consonant system for PTs:
Labials |
p |
b |
© |
m
|
Dentals |
t |
d,(d•1†) |
® |
n |
r
|
Labialized |
tº |
dº |
®º
|
dentals
|
Hissing |
c |
|
ˆ |
s |
s: |
z |
z:
|
Labialized |
cº |
|
ˆº |
sº |
s:º |
zº |
z:º
|
hissing
|
Hushing |
‰ |
|
Š |
« |
«: |
¼ |
¼: |
j
|
Labialized |
‰º |
|
Šº |
Ǽ |
«:º |
¼º |
¼:º
|
hushing
|
Laterals |
œ |
|
|
› |
›: |
L |
L: |
l
|
Velars |
k,(k•1†) |
g,g•1† |
™
|
Labialized |
kº |
gº,g•1†º |
™º
|
velars
|
Uvulars |
q |
|
ª |
» |
»: |
’ |
’:
|
Labialized |
qº |
|
ªº |
ȼ |
»:º |
’º |
’:º
|
uvulars
|
Laryngeals |
€ |
h
|
Emphatic |
|
“ |
|
laryngeals
|
A very specific feature of the PTs system is the four-way opposition of
fricatives. It is tentatively interpreted as a distinction in tenseness, but other
suggestions are possible as well (e.g., the reconstruction of an opposition in aspiration,
etc.). We must however note that in the subsystem of hissing and hushing fricatives
we observe in fact only three types of correspondences (in initial position:
PTsKh s - PGB s, PTsKh z - PGB z, PTsKh z - PGB s; in non-initial position:
PTsKh s - PGB s, PTsKh z - PGB z, PTsKh s - PGB z); therefore, we could assume
the existence of only three PTs hissing and three PTs hushing fricatives. However,
external data obviously shows that in PTsKh as well as in PGB a secondary merger
of the reflexes of initial *s, *s: and, respectively, non-initial *z, *z: occurred. Taking
into account the fact that the four-way opposition is reliably reconstructed for the
subsystems of lateral and uvular fricatives, we can suppose that it existed in the
subsystems of hissing and hushing fricatives as well, but was afterwards lost with a
parallel development in PTsKh and PGB. Thus, the correspondence "PTsKh s-: PGB
s-" can simultaneously point to two PTs phonemes (*s- or *s:-); similarly the
correspondence "PTsKh -z-: PGB -z-" (PTs *-z- or -z:-), see below.
There is some reason to think that explosive local series in PTs were also
characterized by a more than three-way opposition of laryngeal features. The
respective "specific" phonemes were marked in the table as *d•1†, *k•1†, *g•1† (their
reflexes reveal specific variations in voice/voicelessness in descendant languages, and
in some cases it is possible to trace them to other PEC sources than the usual PTs
voiced and voiceless explosives, see above). But there are very few examples for all
these phonemes, and their reconstruction (to say nothing of their phonetic
interpretation) is not at all secure.
It is apparently necessary to reconstruct a full set of labialized consonants
(except resonants, labials, laryngeals and probably laterals) for PTs. However,
labialized consonants (especially the front ones) are rather unstable and easily lose
their labialization (especially in East-Tsezian languages). Therefore, reflexes of
labialized consonants - with very few exceptions, that will be mentioned below - are
the same as the reflexes of respective nonlabialized ones, and in many cases the
presence of labialization in PTs can be determined only by the reflexes of adjacent
vowels (see below). Therefore in the table we do not adduce correspondences for
labialized consonants.
The consonant correspondences in Tsezian languages are as follows:
PTs |
PTsKh |
Tsez |
Gin |
Khv |
Inkh |
PGB |
Bezh |
Gunz
|
*p |
*p |
p |
p |
p |
p |
*p |
p |
p-,b
|
*b |
*b |
b |
b |
b |
b |
*b |
b |
b
|
*© |
*© |
© |
© |
© |
© |
*© |
© |
©
|
*m |
*m |
m |
m |
m |
m |
*m |
m |
m
|
*t |
*t |
t |
t |
t |
t |
*t |
t |
t-,d
|
*d |
*d |
d |
d |
d |
d |
*d |
d |
d
|
*d•1† |
*t |
t |
t |
t |
t |
*d |
d |
d
|
*® |
*® |
® |
® |
® |
® |
*® |
® |
®
|
*n |
*n |
n |
n |
n |
n |
*n |
n |
n
|
*r |
*r¬l |
r¬l |
r¬l |
r¬l |
r¬l |
*r |
r/j/w |
r
|
*l |
*r¬l |
r¬l |
r¬l |
r¬l |
r¬l |
*l |
l |
l
|
*c |
*c |
c |
c/‰ |
c |
c |
*c |
c |
c
|
*ˆ |
*ˆ |
ˆ |
ˆ/Š |
ˆ |
ˆ |
*ˆ |
ˆ |
ˆ
|
*s |
*s |
s |
s/« |
s |
s |
*s-,z |
s-,z |
s-,z
|
*s: |
*s |
s |
s/« |
s |
s |
*s |
s |
s
|
*z |
*z |
z |
z/¼ |
z |
z |
*s-,z |
s-,z |
s-,z
|
*z: |
*z |
z |
z/¼ |
z |
z |
*z |
z |
z
|
*‰ |
*‰ |
‰ |
c/‰ |
‰ |
‰ |
*‰ |
c/‰ |
‰
|
*Š |
*Š |
Š |
ˆ/Š |
Š |
Š |
*Š |
ˆ/Š |
Š
|
*« |
*« |
« |
s/« |
« |
« |
*«-,¼ |
s-/«-,z/¼ |
«-,¼
|
*«: |
*« |
« |
s/« |
« |
« |
*« |
s/« |
«
|
*¼ |
*¼ |
¼ |
z/¼ |
¼ |
¼ |
*«-,¼ |
s-/«-,z/¼ |
«-,¼
|
*¼: |
*¼ |
¼ |
z/¼ |
¼ |
¼ |
*¼ |
z/¼ |
¼
|
*j |
*j |
j |
j |
j |
j |
*j |
j |
j
|
*œ |
*œ |
œ |
œ |
œ |
œ |
*œ |
œ |
œ
|
* |
* |
|
|
|
|
* |
|
|
*› |
*l-¬r-, |
l-¬r-, |
l-¬r-, |
l-¬r-, |
l-¬r-, |
*h-,L |
h-,› |
h-,l
|
|
-›- |
-›- |
-›- |
-›- |
-›-
|
*›: |
*› |
› |
› |
› |
› |
*› |
› |
›
|
*L |
*L |
› |
› |
› |
l |
*L |
› |
l
|
*L: |
*L |
› |
› |
› |
l |
*l |
l |
l
|
*k |
*k |
k |
k |
k |
k |
*k |
k |
k-,g
|
*k•1† |
*k•1† |
g |
k |
k |
k |
*k |
k |
k-,g
|
*g |
*g |
g |
g |
g |
g |
*g |
g |
g
|
*g•1† |
*k |
k |
k |
k |
k |
*g |
g |
g
|
*™ |
*™ |
™ |
™ |
™ |
™ |
*™ |
™ |
™
|
*q |
*q |
q |
q |
q |
q |
*q |
q |
q
|
*ª |
*ª |
ª-,0 |
ª |
ª |
ª |
*ª |
ª |
ª
|
|
|
(w,j)
|
*» |
*»•1† |
“(¬») |
»(¬h) |
h |
h |
*’ |
’ |
’(¬h)
|
*»: |
*» |
» |
» |
» |
» |
*» |
» |
»
|
*’ |
*’ |
’ |
’ |
’ |
’ |
*» |
» |
»
|
*’: |
*’ |
’ |
’ |
’ |
’ |
*’¬h |
’¬h |
’¬h
|
*’:º |
*’º |
’º |
’º |
’º |
’º |
*w |
w |
w
|
*€ |
*€ |
€ |
€ |
€ |
€ |
*€ |
€ |
€
|
*h |
*h |
h |
h |
h/“ |
h |
*h |
h |
h
|
*“ |
*€ |
€ |
€ |
€ |
€ |
*h |
h |
h
|
* |
* |
|
€ |
€ |
€ |
*€ |
€ |
€
|
Comments.
1) In PTsKh we observe an unmotivated variation of the liquids r and l. Strict
rules of reflexation are not determined yet; external data clearly shows that the
original PTs situation (corresponding well with AvarAndi) is preserved in PGB.
2) In Ginukh the reflexes of hissing and hushing consonants have been
redistributed according to the following rule: hissing consonants are present here
mostly adjacent to back vowels, hushing consonants - adjacent to front vowels
(though there are some not quite clear exceptions).
3) Some variations in the reflexes of the phonemes *»•1† and *h in Tsezi,
Ginukh and Khvarshi are apparently connected with the influence of
pharyngealized adjacent vowels.
4) In Bezhta PTs, PGB *r gives j or w (depending on the adjacent vowel);
however, the initial r is well preserved in Tladal dialect (see [Bokarev 1959]).
5) The Tladal dialect of Bezhta also preserves the original PGB system of
hissing and hushing consonants. In Bezhta proper the hushing consonants regularly
become hissing if they are adjacent to front vowels.
PTs differs significantly from other East-Caucasian languages in its nearly
complete lack of consonant clusters (traces of clusters in PTs are preserved only as
nasalization, see above). A small number of words with medial -RC-clusters in PTs
can be interpreted either as loanwords from PA or as the result of elision of the
middle vowel in the rare structure *CVRVCV.
1.5.2. Vocalism.
We reconstruct the following vowel system for PTs:
|
*i |
*µ |
*— |
*u
|
|
*e |
|
* |
*o
|
|
|
|
*a |
*¥
|
We must at once note that the vowel *µ is rather rare and probably has a
secondary origin (apparently a result of an early transfer of labialization of
adjacent consonants onto the vowels i and —).
A characteristic feature of the development of vocalism in Tsezian languages
is two series of reflexes of the vowels *i, *e, *—, *u, *o, *¥, distinguished in PTsKh
(the second series is characterized by a peculiar "shift into centre" of vocalic
reflexes). For a possible reason for such a division of PTsKh reflexes, see above,
pp. 75-76.
Vowel correspondences between Tsezian languages are as follows:
PTs |
PTsKh |
Tsez |
Gin |
Khv |
Inkh |
PGB |
Bezht |
Gunz
|
*iA |
*i |
e |
e |
i |
i
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
} *i/u |
i/u |
i/u
|
*iB |
*— |
e |
e |
e |
—
|
*eA |
*e |
i |
i |
e |
e
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
} *e/£ |
e |
e/o
|
*eB |
* |
i |
e |
a |
o
|
*µ |
*µ |
e |
o |
i |
u,i |
*— |
i |
—
|
*—A |
*— |
e |
e |
e |
—
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
} *—/o,u |
i/o,u |
—/o,u
|
*—B |
* |
i |
e |
a |
o
|
* |
* |
i |
e |
a |
o |
*/¥ |
o/a |
/¥
|
*a |
*a |
a |
a |
a |
a |
*a |
a |
a
|
*uA |
*u |
u |
u |
u |
u
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
} *u |
u,-o |
u
|
*uB |
*µ |
e |
o |
i |
u,i
|
*oA |
*u |
u |
u |
u |
u
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
} *o |
o |
o
|
*oB |
*£ |
o¬i |
µ |
e |
e
|
*¥A |
*o |
o |
o |
o |
o
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
} *¥ |
a |
¥
|
*¥B |
*£ |
o¬i |
µ |
e |
e
|
Comments.
1) The vowel ¥ in Gunzib is characterized by E. A. Bokarev ([Bokarev 1967,
472]) as a non-labialized back mid vowel; but a more exact characterization (judging
by the field observations of the MSU expedition) would be "back low mid-open
vowel". We transcribe it (as well as the vowel reconstructed in its place in PGB and
PTs) as ¥.
2) After the slash in PGB (and therefore in Bezhta and Gunzib) we give the
reflexes of PTs vowels adjacent to labialized consonants (that have lost labialization
in PGB).
3) The distinction of series A and B in PTsKh is relevant only in the first
syllable; the second syllable usually has reflexes of "unshifted" vowels (series A). It
must be noted that for the second (final) syllable in PTs we reconstruct not the full
set of vowels, but only *e, *, *a, *u, *¥ (their reflexes in this position are generally
the same as in the first syllable).
4) Besides simple vowels, we reconstruct a complete set of nasalized vowels in
PTs. They preserve their nasalization in Khvarshi, Inkhokvari, Bezhta and Gunzib
(though they may sporadically lose it). The quality of the reflexes of nasalized
vowels is usually the same as of the plain ones. A significant exception is the
development of nasalized *e~ and *o~ in Khvarshi, where they give narrow reflexes
(*e~ > i~, *o~ > u~); it should be mentioned that plain *e and *o develop in the same
way in the vicinity of nasal m or n (the rule of Y. Testelets). The opposition of
nasalized/nonnasalized vowels in PTs (and in modern Tsezian languages) is relevant
only in the first syllable (following syllables can be subject to assimilative,
"prosodic" nasalization; but structures with a nasalized second vowel and a
non-nasalized first do not exist).
5) All vowels - plain as well as nasalized - can also have the additional
feature of pharyngealization in PTs. Pharyngealized vowels (generally yielding the
same quality of reflexes as the plain ones) are now preserved in Tsezi and Inkhokwari,
but lose pharyngealization without any trace in other Tsezian languages. The origin
of the Tsezian pharyngealization is not quite clear yet (see above, page 83).
1.5.3. Ablaut.
The PTs nominal stems possessed ablaut of two main types: a) direct stem *o -
oblique stem *—; b) direct stem *¥ - oblique stem *i (some paradigms secondarily mix
both types of ablaut). In words with the structure CV some other types of vowel
gradation (possibly archaic) are possible as well. It must be noted that the nominal
ablaut was already not very productive in PTs, and the number of nouns with
alternating vowels is very small in modern languages. On the origin of the Tsezian
ablaut see above, pp. 81-82.
Tsezian languages apparently preserve some remnants of verbal ablaut as well
(though PTs evidently had already lost the productive verbal ablaut system), but
this question still needs special research.
1.5.4. Root structure and prosody.
Most nominal roots in PTs have the structure CV or CVC(V); longer
structures are rare (and are usually derived). A characteristic PTs feature (already
mentioned above) is the inadmissibility (or at least extreme rarity) of consonant
clusters within a single morpheme, despite the fact that closed-syllable structures (of
the type CVC) are allowed. The CVC structures probably appeared in PTs as a
result of the early process of dropping narrow final vowels (in the reconstructed
PTs system -i and -— are missing; -u is present, but this vowel is rather a result of
a still later secondary narrowing from *-o, missing in final position). However, the
correspondences between PTs and PEC final vowels are yet to be established.
Most verbal roots in PTs have the structure -VC(V) (or, more rarely, -VCVR).
The most unstable element of the verbal root is its final vowel, which can disappear
or be modified before suffixed morphemes. The problem of the verbal auslaut in
PTs (and its PEC sources) is not yet well studied. Besides, there is a number of
verbal roots with a different structure, e.g., CVC(V); however, historically they are
mostly derived and contain old preverbs (no longer productive in PTs and in
modern languages).
The prosody of PTs can be described as consisting of nasalization and
pharyngealization, which have been examined above (though these phenomena can be
also regarded as vocalic features). Besides, judging by the results of the MSU
expeditions of 1973-1978, all Tsezian languages possess relevant tonal oppositions, and
PTs certainly had a tonal accent system. However, all that was said above about
Andian tonal systems (see page 109), could be applied to this case as well: we need
more careful and full descriptions, on the basis of which one could accomplish the
PTs tonal reconstruction.
1.6. Lak.
Despite a rather large number of speakers and villages where the Lak
language is used, it is at the present time rather monolithic. There are many local
dialects, but they do not seriously differ from each other, see [Khaidakov 1966]
(although there is some reason to believe that the degree of dialectal divergence was
higher in the past). Therefore, the inclusion of Lak dialectal data generally does not
add much to the information that one can obtain from the description of Lak
literary language and its lexicon.
The development of Lak phonemes from PEC was described in general above.
We should pay attention only to some comparatively recent phonetical processes
that are not reflected in the tables:
a) in Lak a general affrication of velars (including the velars that developed
from PEC laterals) occurred before the vowels a, i. Original velars are easily
reconstructed with the help of Lak morphological data (there is a regular
alternation k/‰, ™/Š, etc., in nominal and verbal paradigms). However, the affrication may sporadically be missing in some dialects and in the literary language.
Therefore, while using the main lexicographical source on Lak - the dictionary of S.
M. Khaidakov ([Khaidakov 1962]), one may have orthographic problems, because in
most cases the labialization of velar consonants is not marked there, and, e.g. the
sequence -ka- may be read either as -ka- or as -kºa-. In such cases we have to
use dialectal records (the fullest available are the MSU records of the Khosrekh
dialect).
b) Another recent phonetical process easily seen in morphonology is the
weakening of all tense consonant phonemes in the closed syllable (-p: > -p, -t: > -t,
-c: > -c, -s: > -s, etc.) They are restored before suffixes beginning with a vowel.
c) We should also note some other sporadic phonetic processes: the
development of intervocal d and b into r and w respectively (a quite recent change,
having affected some recent Arabic loanwords as well); the variation of l and velar
reflexes of PEC laterals (see above, page ); the variation of »: and h in the place of
PEC uvular fricatives (see above, page ). Such phenomena certainly suggest intensive
dialectal mixture within the history of Lak. It is, however, possible that some of
these variations will one day be given a prosodic explanation (the system of Lak
prosody - except the feature of pharyngealization - is not yet described at all).
As a specific feature of Lak we must mention that it has the most reduced
vowel system of all EC languages (only three phonemes: i, u, a). In some dialects,
however, long vowels are also present, but their systematic description does not exist.
1.7. From PD to modern Dargwa dialects.
Unlike Lak, the Dargwa language has many dialects that are rather far from
each other, see [Gasanova 1971]. Unfortunately, sufficient lexicographical sources are
available only for the following dialects: a) Akushi, on which literary Dargwa is
based (see [Abdullayev 1950]); b) Urakhi, described already by P. K. Uslar (see [Uslar
1892]) and c) Chirag, on which we possess the voluminous records of the MSU
expeditions of 1973-75. Rather many dialectal records are contained in the work of
M.-S. M. Musayev ([Musayev 1975]); see also [Gasanova 1971]. Therefore , we have a
generally more or less reliable system of phonetic correspondences and
reconstructions, based on the material of 13 Dargwa dialects. However, in this work
we will limit ourselves to the reflexes of PD phonemes in the four dialects which
are described best of all and the evidence of which is quite sufficient to reconstruct
the complete PD phonological system: Chirag, Akushi, Urakhi and Kubachi.
1.7.1. Consonantism.
We reconstruct the following system of consonants for PD:
Labials |
p |
p: |
b |
© |
|
|
w |
m
|
Dentals |
t |
t: |
d |
® |
|
|
l,r |
n
|
Labialized |
|
|
dº |
®º
|
dentals
|
Hissing |
c |
c: |
½ |
ˆ |
s |
s: |
z
|
Hushing |
‰ |
‰: |
|
Š |
« |
«: |
¼ |
j
|
Velars |
k |
k: |
g |
™ |
x |
x: |
‘
|
Labialized |
kº |
k:º |
gº |
™º |
xº |
x:º |
Լ
|
velars
|
Uvulars |
q |
q: |
|
ª |
» |
»: |
’
|
Labialized |
qº |
q:º |
|
ªº |
ȼ |
»:º |
’º
|
uvulars
|
Pharyngealized |
qI |
q:I |
(GI) |
ªI |
»I |
»:I |
’I
|
uvulars
|
Pharyngealized |
qIº |
q:Iº |
|
ªIº |
»Iº |
»:Iº |
’Iº
|
labialized
|
uvulars
|
Laryngeals |
|
|
|
€ |
h |
hI(?)
|
Labialized |
|
|
|
|
hº |
|
º
|
laryngeals
|
Emphatic |
|
|
|
“ |
|
|
|
laryngeals
|
In this system the phoneme *GI (without a non-pharyngealized counterpart) is
not quite certain; it is not to be excluded, that in the examples available we deal
with an irregular development of the PD *’I. In addition, the status of the phoneme
that we mark as *hI is not quite clear (other pharyngealized laryngeals seem to be
missing in PL); the reconstruction of *hº can also be considered dubious (this
phoneme is represented by a few examples in medial position, and the established
correspondences should possibly be interpreted otherwise). In general, the
reconstruction of the PD system of laryngeals probably needs some further
elaboration.
We establish the following correspondences among Dargwa dialects:
PD |
Chir |
Akush |
Urakh |
Kub
|
*p |
p |
p |
p |
p
|
*p: |
p: |
b |
b |
p:,-p
|
*b |
b |
b |
b |
b
|
*© |
© |
© |
© |
©
|
*w |
w |
w |
w |
w(-p:-)
|
*m |
m |
m |
m |
m
|
*t |
t |
t |
t |
t
|
*t: |
t: |
d |
d |
t:,-t
|
*d |
d |
d |
d |
d
|
*® |
® |
® |
® |
®
|
*l |
l |
l |
l |
l
|
*r |
r |
r |
r |
j/w/0
|
*n |
n |
n |
n |
n
|
*dº |
|
d |
dº
|
*®º |
|
® |
®º |
®(º)
|
*c |
c |
c |
c |
s
|
*c: |
c: |
z,-z¬-c |
z¬½ |
c:,-c
|
*½ |
z |
z |
z |
s(/-z)
|
*ˆ |
ˆ |
ˆ |
ˆ |
ˆ
|
*s |
s |
h-,-rh- |
h-,-rh- |
t
|
*s: |
s: |
s |
s |
s:,-s
|
*z |
z |
€-,-r€-,-r |
€-,r€ |
d
|
*‰ |
‰ |
‰ |
‰ |
‰
|
*‰: |
‰: |
¼ |
¾ |
‰:,-‰
|
*Š |
Š |
Š |
Š |
Š
|
*« |
« |
« |
« |
«
|
*«: |
«: |
« |
« |
«:,-«
|
*¼ |
¼ |
¼ |
¼ |
¼
|
*j |
j |
j |
j |
j
|
*k |
k |
k |
k |
k
|
*k: |
k: |
‘ |
‘ |
k:,-k
|
*g |
‘ |
‘ |
‘ |
‘
|
*™ |
™ |
™ |
™ |
™
|
*x |
x/« |
« |
« |
«-,x
|
*x: |
x: |
x |
x |
x:,-x
|
*‘ |
‘(¬j-) |
€-¬j-,j€ |
-,j€ |
‘
|
*kº |
k(º) |
k |
kº |
k(º)
|
*gº |
gº |
w-,-h- |
gº-,-hº- |
gº
|
*™º |
™º |
™ |
™(º) |
™º
|
*xº |
xº |
h,-x |
h(º)-,-wh-,-w |
xº
|
*x:º |
x:(º) |
h,-x |
h-,-h-¬-xº-,-x |
x:(º),-xº
|
*Լ |
‘ |
‘-,-w |
ۼ-,-w
|
*q |
q |
q |
q |
q
|
*q: |
q: |
G |
G |
q:,-q
|
*ª |
ª |
ª |
ª |
ª
|
*» |
» |
h |
h |
»
|
*»: |
»: |
» |
» |
»:,-»
|
*’ |
’ |
’ |
’ |
’
|
*qº |
qº |
q |
q(º) |
qº
|
*q:º |
q:º |
G |
G(º) |
q:º,-q(º)
|
*ªº |
ªº |
ª |
ªº |
ªº
|
*ȼ |
»(º) |
» |
ȼ |
ȼ
|
*»:º |
»:º |
» |
»(º) |
-»:º-
|
*’º |
’º |
’ |
’(º) |
’(º)
|
*qI |
qI |
qI |
qI |
qI
|
*q:I |
q:I |
G(I) |
GI |
q:I,-qI
|
*GI |
’I- |
’I- |
|
’I-
|
*ªI |
ªI |
ªI |
ªI |
ªI
|
*»I |
»I |
“ |
“ |
“
|
*»:I |
»:I |
“
|
*’I |
’I |
- |
- |
’I-
|
*qIº |
qIº |
qI |
qIº |
qIº
|
*q:Iº |
q:Iº |
GI |
GIº |
q:Iº-
|
*ªIº |
ªIº |
ªI |
ªI(º) |
ªI(º)
|
*»Iº |
»Iº |
“ |
Ҽ |
»I-¬“-
|
*»:Iº |
»:Iº |
»I-¬“- |
»Iº¬“º |
»:Iº-
|
*’Iº |
’Iº |
|
º |
’Iº
|
*€- |
€- |
€- |
€- |
€-
|
*h |
h-,-j- |
-¬“-,-h- |
-,-€- |
h
|
*hI |
hI |
-,--¬-€- |
-,--¬-€- |
“
|
*hº |
|
-h- |
-w- |
-0-
|
*º |
º |
|
(º) |
“-,
|
*“ |
,-¬-0I |
“ |
“ |
€-¬-,-0-,-VIj
|
* |
-,h |
|
|
-¬€-,h
|
Comments.
1) It seems reasonable to reconstruct a separate series of PD uvular
pharyngealized (and uvular pharyngealized labialized) consonants, because we meet
the whole set of PD vowels beside them; as for non-uvular consonants, the only
pharyngealized vowel that can be adjacent to them is aI (see below on the vowel
system). Additionally, pharyngealized uvulars in Dargwa dialects often give reflexes
other than the respective non-pharyngealized ones (see the table). We must remember,
however, that historically the pharyngealized uvulars are secondary (see above, page
59) and we did not place them in the table of PEC reflexes.
2) We can easily reconstruct labialized back consonants for PD, but labialized
front ones (except the very rare dº and ®º) virtually cannot be reconstructed.
Labialization has totally disappeared in literary Dargwa (Akushi), but is rather well
preserved in many other Dargwa dialects (except the cases of a secondary transfer
of consonant labialization to the adjacent vowel).
3) The PD liquid *r in Kubachi most often develops into j (more rarely into w
or 0, depending on its position and the vocalic environment). There is also a very
characteristic process of the disappearance of *r in Kubachi in medial clusters of
the type -rC-, when the precedent vowel is lengthened after the fall of -r-. In this
way Kubachi has developed a secondary opposition of vowels in brevity/length,
absent in other Dargwa dialects.
4) Akushi usually reflects the final *-c: as -z; but in some words we have the
reflex -c that has apparently penetrated from a dialect of the Kubachi type. The
fact that in this case we are doubtlessly dealing with interdialectal loanwords is
confirmed by transparent doublets like baz "month" - bac "moon" (PD *bac:). The
Urakhi variation z¬½ in the place of PD *c: possibly has a similar origin.
5) The voiced g in most Dargwa dialects is absent or in free variation with
the fricative ‘ (we must note that in the literary orthography this consonant is
marked as ã). However, an explosive *g is reliably reconstructed for PD in the place
of modern ‘, because for the fricative *‘ a special row of correspondences exists.
6) In Akushi and Urakhi we mark as G the phoneme, that is orthographically
represented as êú; phonetically this consonant is not voiced, but rather voiceless
unaspirated (tense). However, in the system it occupies the place of a voiced one,
because the opposition in laxness/tenseness has been lost in these dialects, being
replaced by the opposition of voice/voicelessness.
7) The Kubachi dialect has a regular affrication of non-labialized velars before
front vowels i,e: k > ‰, ™ > Š, k: > ‰: etc.
8) Labialized *’º turns into a laryngeal € after -r- in Urakh.: -r’º- > -r€-; in
Akushi it is further weakened and disappears (-r’º- > -r-).
10) The given table shows us the archaic character of the Chirag dialect (and, judging
by the sparse available data, the other dialects of the Amukh type). In fact, with
very few exceptions it has fully preserved the PD consonantism system and can act
as a "protolanguage" for other Dargwa dialects (of which the Akushi dialect, the
basis of modern literary Dargwa, is the most advanced and shattered one).
1.7.1.1. Consonant clusters.
The most frequent type of consonant clusters in Dargwa (as in most other EC
languages) is the type "resonant+obstruent" (it is worth noting that the consonant b
could also be related to resonants by this feature, because it is rather often found
within the clusters -bC-, see above). These combinations are generally well
preserved in dialects (though there are cases of losing resonants, especially in the
Chirag dialect); on the development of combinations of the type -rC- in Kubachi see
above, page 119.
In single cases we meet also consonant combinations of other types (in
particular, of two obstruents), whose origin is not quite clear.
1.7.2. Vocalism.
We reconstruct the following vowel system for PD:
Besides that, we also reconstruct a single independent pharyngealized vowel
*aI (all other pharyngealized vowels in PD and in modern dialects have the status
of phonetical variants of simple vowels, adjacent to pharyngealized uvulars).
Of the dialects examined above, Chirag, Akushi and Kubachi preserve the
original system (in Kubachi additional long vowels appeared as a result of the
disappearance of -r- and some other phonetical processes, e.g. contraction; see
above). We should also note that in Chirag vowels are less stable and more easily
subject to positional variations, than in other dialects.
In Urakhi a narrowing *e > i occurred (e now occurs only in a few
loanwords and as a phonetical variant of i after “). There are also long vowels
here, but they are rather rare and in most cases develop from contractions.
In the end of the Dargwa nominal root only two vowels were possible: -i and
-a (as well as its pharyngealized counterpart -aI). The vowel -u, present in a few roots
in modern dialects, apparently goes back to PD *-i after labialized consonants. In
the end of the PD verbal root final -i, -u and -a are possible; but a full
reconstruction of the PD verbal paradigm is still lacking, and the original system is
not quite clear yet.
1.7.2.1. Ablaut.
The old nominal ablaut seems to be lost in Dargwa (the vowel gradation in
the formation of plural, involving the development a,i > u or a > i in some dialects,
is obviously a secondary result of the reduction of the root vowel before the added
plural marker). However, we must note the strange process of "truncating" the final
syllable in some oblique nominal stems in Dargwa (qali "house", Gen. qa and so on),
the reasons of which are not yet clear.
The ablaut, however, is widely spread in the Dargwa verbal system as a means
of differentiation of aspect stems. The comparison of Chirag, Akushi and Kubachi
data allows us to reconstruct the following types of verbal vowel alternations in PD:
Perfective aspect Imperfective aspect
|
|
*a |
*i
|
|
*a |
*u
|
|
*e |
*i
|
|
*e |
*u
|
|
*u |
*i
|
The vowel *i is usually preserved in the imperfective aspect stem. The ablaut
system in the Dargwa verb is combined with complicated processes of the
disappearance and insertion of resonants -r-,-l- in medial position (these processes
are, as it seems, related to the opposition of "strong" and "weak" series of class
markers in PL, though many details are still unclear).
1.7.3. Root structure and prosody.
The bulk of nominal roots in PD have the structure CV or CV(R)C(V) (with
the final vowel or without it), that are preserved in all modern dialects. As in other
EC languages, there is a comparatively small number of nominal stems with a
longer root structure, that are in most cases derived.
The verbal root in PD has the structure -V(R)CV(R); the final consonant may
be represented by -r (r-conjugation) or -n (n-conjugation). We will not dwell in
more detail on the analysis and the reconstruction of the PD verbal root (this topic
should be specially studied together with an examination of the East-Caucasian
verbal system as a whole).
The Dargwa prosodic system is not yet sufficiently described. Judging by the
descriptions, most modern Dargwa dialects have a system of morphologically fixed
dynamic accent; data collected by the MSU expedition allows us to suggest the
presence of other prosodic features (phonations) as well.
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