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1.2. From PN to modern Nakh languages.
Below we will examine PN phoneme reflexes in Batsbi, Ingush and literary
Chechen language (based on the Akka dialect). Unfortunately, for other Chechen
dialects (some of which, e.g. Cheberloy, are very archaic), lexicographical sources
are missing; therefore materials of Chechen dialects, taken mostly from the work
[Imnayshvili 1977], are used only occasionally.
1.2.1. Consonantism.
The following consonant system is reconstructed for PN:
Labials |
p |
b |
|
f |
w |
m
|
Dentals |
t |
d |
|
|
r |
n
|
Hissing |
c |
|
|
s
|
Hushing |
|
|
|
|
j
|
Laterals |
|
|
|
|
l
|
Velars |
k,k |
g,g |
,
|
Uvulars |
q |
|
|
|
|
Laryngeals |
|
|
|
h |
|
Emphatic |
|
|
|
|
|
laryngeals
|
Characteristic features of the PN system (compared to other North-Caucasian
languages) are a lack of labialized consonants (see above on their development);
defectivity of the lateral series; the opposition of velar and palatalized velar (palatal)
consonants. However, palatals are rather rare phonemes in PN and are not
preserved in modern languages. The glottalized may develop from original laterals
(see above), but in a few cases from the velar * as well. The origin of the extremely
rare PN phonemes k and g is not clear yet.
An opinion exists that non-initial glottalized consonants of Batsbi are secondary
compared to Chechen-Ingush voiced consonants (see [Imnayshvili 1977]); however, the
correspondences within Nakh as well as external data (that firmly prove the
archaism of Batsbi in this aspect) lead us to agree with the point of view of A.
Sommerfelt (see [Sommerfelt 1938]), who considers the glottalized consonants original.
The reconstruction given here differs from the conclusions of D. S. Imnayshvili
([Imnayshvili 1977]) in this as well as in some other aspects (the question about the
originality of PN *f, about the system of lateral consonants).
The correspondences of consonants within Nakh languages are as follows:
PN |
Bats |
Chech |
Ing
|
*p |
p |
p |
p
|
*b |
b |
b-,0w |
b-,0w
|
* |
|
-,b |
-,b
|
*f |
w(h,) |
h/w |
f
|
*w |
w |
w-,0w |
w-,0w
|
*m |
m |
m |
m
|
*t |
t |
t |
t
|
*d |
d |
d-,0j |
d-,0j
|
* |
|
-,d |
-,d
|
*r |
r |
r |
r
|
*n |
n,-(V~)0 |
n-,-(V~)0 |
n-,(V~)0
|
*c |
c |
c |
c
|
* |
-,z |
z |
z
|
* |
|
-,z |
-,z
|
*s |
s |
s |
s
|
* |
|
|
|
* |
-, |
|
|
* |
|
-, |
-,
|
* |
|
|
|
*j |
j |
j |
j
|
* |
1 |
l |
l
|
* |
|
l |
l
|
*l |
l |
l |
l
|
*k |
k |
k |
k
|
*k |
k |
|
k
|
*g |
g |
g-,0j |
g-,0j
|
*g |
g |
|
|
* |
|
-,g |
-,g
|
* |
|
-, |
-,
|
*q |
q |
q |
q
|
* |
|
|
|
* |
|
|
|
* |
|
|
|
* |
|
|
|
*h |
h |
h |
h/v
|
* |
|
|
|
* |
|
|
|
* |
|
|
|
* |
|
|
|
Comments.
1) Well known is the thesis of N. S. Trubetskoy (see [Trubetskoy 1931, 318])
about the opposition of two consonant systems in Nakh languages: initial and
non-initial. The PN reconstruction (and primarily the Batsbi evidence) allows us to
discard this opposition. However, it must be said that, in spite of the complete
distribution of most PN phonemes, some of them are still reconstructed only for a
single position. PN *f, * and * are specific "initial" phonemes; PN *, * and *g
(there is, however, only one etymon containing the last phoneme, and it is basically
reconstructed for symmetry) are never represented in the beginning. The cases of
initial *r in PN are extremely rare; Ingush usually adds a prothetical vowel before
r in these cases.
2) The phoneme f is preserved in Ingush; in Chechen and in Batsbi it
develops into w in most cases (becomes voiced). The h reflex in Chechen appears only
before old labialized vowels; the distribution of the sporadically met Batsbi reflexes
h, is not quite clear yet. Historically PN *f developed either from labialized laterals
(f < *xw < *w) or from labialized laryngeals (f < *hw), see above.
3) Voiced explosives in Chechen-Ingush regularly disappear in non-initial
position; depending on the vocalic context, they can disappear without any trace or
leave behind the resonants w and j (as hiatus-filling). In the case of the disappearance of
intervocalic voiced consonants a contraction of vowels occurs.
4) In Ingush Imnayshvili describes a process of devoicing voiced word-final
consonants (i.e. original glottalized),that are articulated as voiceless tense p:, t:, k:,
c:, : in this position (see [ 1977]). It is interesting that the original
voiced *, * which were not dropped (> Ing. z, ) seem not to be subject to
devoicing. Thus, the Ingush language preserves traces of the PN distinction between
word-final *-, *- that is completely neutralized in Chechen. Unfortunately,
Ingush orthography does not distinguish such "devoiced" consonants from ordinary
voiced ones.
5) The final n disappears in all Nakh languages, leaving behind the
nasalization of the previous vowel (though it is regularly restored in the paradigm
before added suffixes). Nasalized vowels that appear as a result of this process are
usually not marked in Chechen-Ingush orthography (though Chechen orthography
has the final -n in monosyllabic words with the final nasalized vowel).
6) In Chechen-Ingush orthography there is no - z or - distinction; in
most Chechen dialects this opposition is also absent (a single exception is the
Khildikharoy dialect, where *-, -- > --,-- while *--,-- >-z-,--; unfortunately, we
do not possess systematic records of this dialect). On the distribution of phonetical
variants - z and - in Nakh languages and dialects see [Imnayshvili 1977].
7) All descriptions of Batsbi mention the presence of the voiceless lateral
fricative , corresponding to l in Chechen and Ingush. However, we must pay
attention to the fact that in some words, where the records of A.G.Matsiev
([Matsiyev 1932]) and Y.D.Desheriev ([Desheriyev 1953]) have , the records of D., N.
Kadagidze ([Kadagidze 1984]) have l. We may suppose that Batsbi (or at least some
Batsbi idiolects) in fact possess two lateral phonemes (besides the plain l), that have
merged with l in Chechen-Ingush. The lateral fricative (L?) that D., N. Kadagidze
mark as l, was tentatively transcribed as 1 in the table. The probability of the
presence of this phoneme in Batsbi is also confirmed by a specific development of
the combination *-r- (> Batsbi /Matsiev, Desheriev/ r, /Kadagidze/ rl, Ing. rd) in
Ingush, unlike *-r- (> Batsbi /Matsiev, Desheriev, Kadagidze/ r, Ing. r(h)), see
below. But of course our suggestion requires a direct field verification.
6) All modern Nakh languages have four laryngeals (h, , , ). However, for
PN two more (* and *) are rather securely reconstructed. It must be noted that
the phonetic reconstruction of *, * and * is rather tentative (in modern languages
the articulation of varies between the plosive and the fricative ); the
reconstructions * and * as well as * and * could be exchanged. Only the
reconstructions of *, * and *h are phonetically trustworthy (in Ingush the reflexes h
and w are in complementary distribution: h before non-labialized vowels, w before
labialized ones). The phonetic quality of the phonemes that we mark as *, *, * is
determined on the basis of general considerations about the possible organization of a
system with six laryngeals as well as on the basis of external data (see above).
1.2.1.1. Consonant combinations.
Nakh languages are distinguished from other East-Caucasian languages by a
multitude of consonant combinations as well as by an extremely specific feature: the
possibility of consonant clusters in initial position. Let us examine the possible
types of clusters in PN.
1.2.1.1.1. Initial consonant clusters.
In initial position in PN the following three types of clusters are possible:
a) "P + consonant" (the number of consonants in these combinations is limited, see
below); b) "consonant + laryngeal" (in these clusters any consonants except uvulars
and laryngeals can play the part of the first component); c) the clusters *st, *s.
Here are their reflexes in languages:
PN |
Bats |
Che |
Ing
|
*ps- |
ps- |
s- |
s-
|
*p- |
p- |
- |
-
|
*p- |
p- |
p- |
p-
|
*C- |
Z-1/C- |
Z-/C2 |
Z-/C3
|
*C- |
C- |
C- |
C-
|
*C- |
Z-/C |
Z-/C-/C- |
Z-/C/C-
|
*C- |
Z-/C-/C4 |
Z-/C-/C- |
Z-/C-/C-5
|
*st- |
s- |
st- |
s-
|
*s- |
s- |
st- |
s-
|
*ps- |
ps- |
st- |
s-
|
In the records of Batsbi, Chechen and Ingush reflexes we mark any voiced
consonant (resonant as well) as Z, any voiceless consonant as C, any glottalized one
as C. The table shows that the combinations of the types *C- and *C- were already
in PN in complementary distribution (* only after voiced and glottalized, * only
after voiceless); therefore we could in fact reconstruct here only one type of clusters
(*C or *C). For the full material on the reconstruction of *CH-combinations in PN
see [Nikolayev 1984].
Comments.
1) Batsbi usually preserves * after voiced consonants (as ); however, in
combinations with affricates the laryngeal usually disappears: *, * > z-,-.
2) Chechen usually reflects * as a uvular after glottalized consonants;
however, the cluster *- > -. In fact, this cluster gives a reflex different from the
ordinary *- only in the Akka dialect of Chechen.
3) In Ingush, as in Chechen, after glottalized consonants the development * >
usually happens; however, the clusters *- > -, *- > -, *- > - are simplified (cf. below on the development of the clusters of the type *C-).
4) After voiceless consonants in this type of clusters the laryngeal usually
disappears in Batsbi, though it appears to be preserved in the cluster *t- > t-.
5) Clusters of the type *C- in Ingush develop into C-; but the laryngeal
falls after the labial *- and hushing *- (see above, comment 3).
Besides the clusters examined above, there are also initial clusters t, c, ,
(preserved in all languages), whose genesis is not quite clear (they have no
specific PEC sources; in some cases they probably represent the result of a
reduction of the initial vowel of the first syllable). In modern languages we
occasionally meet some other combinations of initial consonants, representing a
secondary effect of vocalic reduction.
1.2.1.1.2. Medial consonant clusters.
In PN we distinguish the following types of medial consonant clusters:
a) Geminates. We reconstruct the geminates *pp, *tt, *, *rr, *ss, *ll, *gg, *qq,
*. On the origin of the geminates *tt, *, *ss see above; the others are apparently
a result of expressive gemination and are rather rare. The reflexes of the geminates
*tt, *, *ss are:
PN |
Bats |
Chech |
Ing
|
*tt |
tt |
tt |
tt
|
* |
|
tt |
tt
|
*ss |
s(s) |
ss/s |
ss
|
In Batsbi the geminate ss is regularly marked in the records of A. G. Matsiyev,
but is totally missing in those of D., N. Kadagidze. In Chechen ss is usually preserved
after short vowels but is regularly shortened after long ones. In Ingush ss is usually
preserved, but in some cases (also usually after long vowels) can be shortened, too.
b) Clusters "resonant+obstruent". These combinations are usually well
preserved in all Nakh languages. Only the clusters "resonant+lateral" deserve special
examination.
PN |
Bats |
Chech |
Ing
|
*r |
r1 |
r |
rd
|
*r |
r |
r(h) |
r(h)
|
*l(?) |
|
ll |
ld
|
*n(?) |
n |
n |
nd
|
Two latter clusters are extremely rare and their PEC source is unclear. The
conditions of the preservation or disappearance of h in the cluster rh in
Chechen-Ingush are not clear as well (we observe frequent dialect variation here).
The PN combination *l (going back to PEC laterals, see above) also develops
specifically: it is preserved in Chechen and Ingush, but yields t in Batsbi.
c) Clusters of two obstruents. First of all we must mention the widespread
cluster type "b+consonant" (where b goes back to PEC resonants *w, *m, see above),
most frequent in verbal stems (where -b- acts as an aspect infix). In this type of
combinations b is preserved in Batsbi (turning into p before voiceless consonants
and into before glottalized ones), but develops into w0 in Chechen-Ingush (its
contraction with the previous vowel may cause the appearance of secondary long
vowels , ). Other common clusters are:
PN |
Bats |
Chech |
Ing
|
*st |
st |
st |
st
|
*s |
s |
st |
st
|
* |
|
k |
k
|
* |
|
|
|
*H |
|
|
d
|
*H |
|
|
z
|
On the origin of the first three clusters see above (pp. 47, 51, 53). The genesis
of three other combinations (that are more rarely met) is not quite clear yet (in the
combination , in some cases, -- seems to be a parasitic insertion between the
original (fallen) resonant and ).
There are also sporadic cases of other clusters of two obstruents, that are
obviously secondary.
d) Clusters "obstruent+resonant". Such clusters in PN can appear only on the
border of two morphemes (they are not present in roots), or as a result of early
vowel reduction. Preserved in Batsbi, they are subject to metathesis in
Chechen-Ingush.
1.2.2. Vocalism.
For PN we reconstruct a ten-vowel system:
The distinction between long and short vowels is relevant only in the first
syllable; in other syllables only short vowels were allowed. It must be noted that the
long high vowels and were already rather rare in PN; in modern languages
their origin is in most cases secondary.
The opposition of long and short vowels is well preserved in Chechen and
Ingush, though it is not marked in the orthography. However, we posess enough
information about vowel length, because long vowels in Chechen open syllables are
systematically marked in the work [Matsiyev 1961], and some Ingush long vowels are
specially marked in orthography.
The shortening of vowels occurred in many Chechen dialects in closed
syllables and in monosyllabic words with an open syllable (however, secondary
length resulting from contraction is preserved in monosyllabic words). This is also
the situation in literary Chechen, in which the etymological length in such cases is
being reinstated before suffixes beginning with a vowel. Batsbi generally shortens
long vowels, though in a few words we meet a long in the records of D., N.
Kadagidze (another long vowel, , existing in Batsbi is just a phonetical variant of
the diphthong ej). The problem of vowel length in Batsbi still requires field
verification.
The development of vocalism in modern Nakh languages depends greatly on
umlaut, i.e. the modification of the vowels of the first syllable under the influence of
the following one. In many dialects the second vowel had in this case afterwards
weakened and become subject to neutralization (in most cases all the vowels of the
second syllable either merge in a or are dropped). Therefore the Batsbi evidence
is extremely important (Batsbi was virtually unaffected by this process), as well
as the evidence of some archaic Chechen dialects (primarily Cheberloy) that have
preserved the system of the vowels of the second syllable and have modified the
system of first syllable vowels to a lesser extent than literary Chechen and Ingush. A
detailed analysis of the interaction of the vowels of the first and second syllables is
given in the work [Imnayshvili 1977]; however, it seems to us that D. S. Imnayshvili
has somewhat overestimated the archaism of the Cheberloy dialect, having in fact
identified its system with Proto-Nakh. In particular, it seems that the Cheberloy
dialect has some variation while reflecting the vowels of the second syllable ie and
uo; their more exact reconstruction may be completed only by comparing the
behaviour of first vowels in Chechen and Ingush. It is also hard to rely upon Batsbi
data while reconstructing the vowels of the second syllable, because there they were
subject to a very strong reduction (in contrast to the very well preserved vowels of
the first syllable). Therefore, the reconstruction, suggested by
D. S. Imnayshvili, must be revised in many aspects.
In the transcription of the Chechen and Ingush vocalic systems we mark the
closed e and o by the signs e, o, while the open e and o - by the signs and (the
diphthongical interpretation of the closed e and o seems to us less apposite). Thus,
unlike D. S. Imnayshvili who considered the diphthongs to be original (later simplified
to plain e and o in Batsbi), see [Imnayshvili 1977], we consider the Batsbi system
more archaic.
One more point that should be noted is the frequent reduction of final vowels
in Ingush and Batsbi (Chechen usually preserves the final vowel). The reasons for
this phenomenon are not clear yet; it is not to be excluded that this reduction could
originally have been caused by accent factors that have not yet been specially
studied.
The correspondences of vowels:
A. In monosyllabic words:
PN |
Bats |
Chech |
Ing
|
*i |
i |
i |
i
|
*1 |
i |
i |
i
|
*e |
e |
e2 |
e,-i2
|
*3 |
e |
e |
e,-i
|
*u |
u |
u |
u
|
*1 |
u |
u |
u
|
*o |
o |
o |
o4
|
*3 |
o |
o |
o
|
*a |
a |
a |
a
|
*3 |
a |
a |
a
|
We see that the basic correspondences of vowels are rather uniform in Nakh
languages; they may be violated only sometimes, in the case of adequation of
paradigms, characterized by ablaut. For instance, we have Batsbi te (oblique stem
ta-) "wool" as opposed to Chech., Ing. ta with an obviously secondary vowel
adequation in the paradigm. On the whole such cases are few.
Other comments:
1. The vowels , were rather rare in PN, and within the nominal paradigm
were regularly subject to the ablaut /, / (i.e. CC/CCV-, CC/CCV-). As a
result and became possible in PN only in closed syllables, where they
were shortened afterwards and merged with the reflexes of *i and *u. Thus, we can
reconstruct and only in paradigms of the type Chech. buc, obl. bca- (< *bci-)
"grass"; ji, obl. ara- ( < *iri-) "voice", etc.
2. Ingush has a regular narrowing e > i at the end of monosyllabic words.
3. As we see from the table, the opposition of long and short vowels is
neutralized in monosyllabic words and is reinstated only within the paradigm
before affixes beginning with a vowel. However, the Level-land, Cheberloy and
some other Chechen dialects still preserve the a - distinction in closed syllables
(see [Imnayshvili 1977); in literary Chechen, instead of the opposition a - , one
notes the opposition of closed and open a (see ibid.), that, however, is disregarded
both in orthography and in the dictionary of A.G.Matsiev ([Matsiyev 1961]).
4. In Ingush, o sometimes (but not always) narrows and develops into u after
labial consonants.
5. Modern Chechen and Ingush have a considerable number of monosyllabic
words of the structure CV with a long vowel; this length, however, is in all cases
secondary (on the shortening of the old length in this position, see above)
and is a result of vocalic contraction after the disappearance of voiced consonants
(see above).
B. The correspondences of vowels in bisyllabic words:
PN |
Bats |
Chech |
Ing
|
*CiCa1 |
CiC |
CiCa |
CeCa
|
*CiCe2 |
CiC(i) |
CiCa |
CiCa
|
*CiCu3 |
CiC(i) |
CiCa/CCa |
CuC(a)
|
*CiCo4 |
|
CiCa |
CiCa
|
*CCa |
CeC |
CCa/CeCCa |
CCa5/CeCCa
|
*CCi6 |
CeCi-/CejCi,CCi |
CCa/CiCCa |
CCa/CiCCa
|
*CCe7 |
CC(i) |
CCa/CiCCa |
CC(a)5/CeCC(a)
|
*CCu8 |
|
CCa/CCCa |
CC(a)5/CeCC(a)
|
*CCo9 |
CeCo |
CCa/CeCCa |
CC(a)5/CeCC(a)
|
*CuCa |
CuC |
CuCa |
CuCa
|
*CuCi |
CuCi- |
CCa |
CiCa
|
*CuCe |
CujC(i) |
CCa |
CuC(a)
|
*CuCo10 |
CujC(u) |
CuCa |
CoC(a)
|
*CCa |
CoCa-/CoC(o) |
CCa/CoCCa |
CC(a)5/CoCC(a)
|
*CCi |
CoCi-/CujCi |
CCa |
CCa5/CeCCa
|
*CCe |
CoC(V) |
CCa |
CC(a)5
|
*CCu |
|
CCa/CuCCa |
CC(a)5/CoCC(a)
|
*CaCa |
CaCa-/CaC(o) |
CaCa |
CaC(a)
|
*CCa |
CaCa-/CaC(e)CajC(i) |
CCa/CaCCa |
CC(a)5/CaCC(a)
|
*CaCi |
CaCi-/CaC |
CCa(/CCa11) |
CCa(/CCa11)
|
*CCi |
CaCi-CaCe-/CaC(e), |
CCa/CCCa |
CC(a)/CCC(a)
|
|
CajC(i)
|
*CaCe |
CaCe-CaCa-/CaC(o) |
CCa(/CCa11) |
CaC(a)
|
*CCe |
CaC(e) |
CCa/CCCa |
CCa/CaCCa5
|
*CaCu |
CaCV-/CaC(o) |
CCa |
CoC(a)13
|
|
CawCu/CajCu12
|
*CCu |
CaCV-/CaC(o) |
CCa/CCCa |
CC(a)/CCC(a)
|
|
CawCu/CajCu12
|
*CaCo |
CaC(o) |
CaCa |
CoCa13/CaCa14
|
*CCo |
CaC(o) |
CCa |
CCa
|
Before we pass on to concrete comments (enumerated in the table), it is
necessary to make a few general notes:
a) Chechen and Ingush orthography render the vocalic phonemes in a quite
inadequate way. Ingush orthography does not distinguish between long and short
vowels, as well as between the open and closed e; the open (), however, has a
special denotation (oa). Chechen orthography does not distinguish between the long
and short vowels either, nor between the open and closed e and o. This defect is
partially eliminated in the dictionary of A. G. Matsiyev ([Matsiyev 1961]), where the
length of vowels is systematically noted; but the open and closed e and o are not
marked here, either. The existing gaps have to be filled by the records of P. K.
Uslar ([Uslar 1888]) and by the records of Chechen dialects ([Imnayshvili 1977]),
unfortunately, not at all abundant.
b) It must be noted that in bisyllabic (and polysyllabic) structures of Nakh
languages we can neither reconstruct the long narrow vowels *, nor the short
wide ones *e, *o. However, all these vowels are reliably reconstructed in
monosyllabic structures (see above), therefore we cannot reduce the PN system of
vowels. It is interesting that all the vowels listed above (*, *, *e, *o) are also
missing in verbal roots, which directly suggests their original bisyllabic character.
c) We can reconstruct the full system of second syllable vowels, which is
rather well preserved in some Chechen dialects (Cheberloy, Khildikharoy and
others) and also reflected in the Chechen grammar of P. K. Uslar ([Uslar 1888]),
somewhat more poorly preserved in Batsbi (see the table) and totally destroyed in
literary Chechen and Ingush (where the distinction of the vowels in the second
syllable is partially preserved only within some nominal suffixes and verbal forms,
but in most cases neutralized). Still, the correlations between the Chechen and Ingush
umlautized vowels of the first syllable allow us in most cases to reconstruct the ancient second vowel quite reliably, even if direct evidence of Batsbi and Chechen
dialects is missing.
d) In Batsbi the first vowel preserves the original quality only if the second
syllable is closed (in the table such structures are marked as CVCV-), as well as
before the reduced final wide vowels -a,-e,-o (or in the case of a total reduction of
the final vowel: CVC). If the second (open) syllable contains the narrow vowels -i,
-u, the vowel of the first syllable turns into a diphthong (see [Imnayshvili 1977]).
This involves the following processes:
-aCi > |
-ajCi-ejCi |
-aCu > |
a) -awCu-owCu
|
b) -ajCu
|
-eCi > |
-ejCi-Ci |
-eCu > |
-ejCu-Cu
|
-oCi > |
-ujCi |
-oCu > |
-ujCu
|
-uCi > |
-ujCi
|
The sequences aj ej, aw ow, ej are in free variation with each other.
As for the sequence -aCu, Batsbi has -aw- if C is a labial or back consonant, but
-aj- if C is a front consonant.
e) For PN (at least in nominal stems) we cannot reconstruct the sequences
*CiCi, *CuCu or *CCo with two identical high or mid vowels; this casts doubt on the
reconstruction of the sequence *CCe (see below).
f) In a comparatively small number of cases, the correspondences given above
are violated. Most of these violations occur as a result of an adequation of the
direct stem to the oblique one (see below on ablaut).
Now, particular comments to the table:
1) The structure *CiCa is very rarely encountered, and the Ingush reflex here
is not quite reliable.
2) The structure *CiCe is almost completely represented by adjective stems.
3) In this structure (also rather rare) Chechen has a variation of reflexes with
the labialized (these forms are usually met in verbal paradigms) and
non-labialized i (in nouns); dialects also reveal variations, see [Imnayshvili 1977].
4) The final -o is indicated here by the forms of Cheberloy dialect, cf. Cheb.
litto and Chech., Ing. litta "haycock". If Cheberloy data is missing, it is impossible
to distinguish the structure *CiCo from *CiCe.
5) No long and short vowels are distinguished in Ingush orthography (see
above).
6) The structure *CCi (as well as *CiCe, see above) is almost completely
represented by adjectival stems and verbal forms (as well as some nouns with the
suffix *-i).
7) There are few examples of the reflexation of this structure in Batsbi; it is
rare in general, and it is not to be excluded that we are merely dealing with an
Ingush variative development of the structure *CCi.
8) Despite the lack of Batsbi data, this structure is confirmed by a sufficient
number of examples. The Cheberloy dialect reveals here, as in many other cases, a
variation between final -u and -o.
9) This (rather rare) structure is reconstructed on the basis of Batsbi (-o) and
Cheberloy (-o) evidence; if it is absent, the structure is indistinguishable from the
structure *CCa.
10) A very rare structure.
11) The short vowel in Chechen and Ingush is a phonetical variant of
adjacent to emphatic laryngeals and h.
12) On the Batsbi distribution between the reflexes -awCu and -ajCu see
above, page 100.
13) After initial labials in Ingush we sporadically meet a narrow reflex u.
14) In Ingush the normal reflex of the structure *CaCo is CCa; before hissing
consonants, however, the labialization -a- > -- is regularly missing. In these cases
the reflexes of the structure *CaCo can be distinguished from those of *CaCa only
with the help of Cheberloy data, where *CaCa > CaCa, but *CaCo > CCo.
1.2.2.1. Ablaut.
The main type of nominal ablaut in PN is the replacement of any vowel in
the direct stem (Nom. Sg.) by a () in the oblique stem (the stem of oblique cases,
often also plural). In words with the structure CV other (possibly archaic) types of
vowel gradation are present as well.
Verbal ablaut in PN is rather complicated. It is based on the opposition of
durative (imperfective aspect) and terminative (perfective aspect) stems with the
following main vocalic features:
Perfective aspect |
Imperfective aspect
|
* |
*
|
*a |
*
|
* |
*
|
* |
*
|
The short vowels *u and *i are not usually alternating with anything; in some
very rare cases we observe the ablaut i/e, i/o, u/a (thus there appear very rare
verbal root structures with short *e, *o), the functions of which are not clear yet.
Finally, in some exceptional cases (in verbs "to give", "to die", "to see") the ablaut
a/0 takes place.
There are also a few cases of the ablaut a/o, sometimes differentiating voice
stems (cf. *=ll- "to be contained": *=ll- "to put in smth."; *=tt- "to be poured":
*=tt- "to pour").
If we also consider the infix *-b- (probably the original marker of plural
forms or the "plural aspect") that can be present in the verbal stem and modifies
the preceding vowel in Chechen-Ingush (PN *-b- > Che. --, PN *-b- > Che. --,
PN *-b- > Che. -w- and so on), the reason for extremely complicated vowel
alternations in modern Chechen and Ingush (where alternating vowels are additionally subject to umlaut before vowels of the second syllable according to rules,
described above, on pp. 98-101) becomes clear to us.
The origin of the PN ablaut (and its relation to the Proto-Lezghian one in
particular) is yet to be studied.
1.2.2. Root structure and prosody.
The main structures of the PN nominal root are *C(C)V, *C(C)V(C)C(V). The
final vowel in PN (unlike PEC, see above) can be missing, but it is usually restored
when case markers and other suffixes are added (influencing the vowel of the first
syllable and causing its umlautization in Chechen-Ingush).
The main structure of the PN verbal root is *=(H)V(C)C(V). The distinction of
final vowels is visible in the Nakh verbal paradigm (this causes the presence of
several types of conjugation here), but the exact reconstruction of final vowels is
not completed yet.
The verbal stem may also begin with some obstruents (most often *, *, *,
*l, *q, *t, *). They apparently represent old preverbs; however, in PN the system
of locative verbal prefixation was evidently already not productive, and in most
cases the meaning of these preverbs is hard to define (though there are many
instances of a single root with different prefixes).
The recording and studying of the Nakh prosodic system is a matter of future
research (up to now nothing definite is known in this field).
1.3. The Avar language.
Avar is presently divided into rather many dialects split into two main
groups: Northern and Southern. Most of our information comes from the Northern
dialects, in particular from Khunzakh, on which the literary Avar is based. The
information available on Southern Avar dialects (see, e.g., [Mikailov 1959]) shows
that they are generally close to Northern dialects and do not allow a serious
deepening of the Proto-Avar reconstruction (the most significant Southern Avar
archaism is the preservation of the lax lateral glottalised or its development into
l, l, , contrary to the Northern Avar development > ).
The orthographic system used in the biggest lexicographic source for Avar -
the dictionary of M. Saidov ([Saidov 1967]) - generally rather adequately renders the
Avar phonetic system. The only omitted distinction is : vs. : (both are noted as
); this defect is, however, easily compensated for with the help of the records
of L. I. Zhirkov ([Zhirkov 1936]) and P. K. Uslar ([Uslar 1889]); the latter work is
also a valuable source for Avar accentuation, in many aspects complementing the
dictionary of M. Saidov.
The development of Avar phonemes from PEC in general is described above.
In this work we do not specially examine vowel gradation in Avar; all the variants
of this gradation are satisfactorily described by the rule of assimilation of
pre-accent vowels (except u) to the accented ones (though there are some other
processes as well) and in general are not very significant for the reconstruction of
the original Avaro-Andian and EC protolanguages.
The consonant correspondences between Avar and Andian languages are
examined in the work of T. E. Gudava ([Gudava 1964]); they are in general accepted
here (with some minimal additions and corrections).
1.4. From PA to modern Andian languages.
By now there are enough sources on Andian languages (see [Tsertsvadze 1965],
[Gudava 1962, 1971], [Saidova 1973], [Magomedbekova 1967, 1971], [Bokarev 1949]), that,
together with the materials of the MSU expedition on Tindi, Chamali, Andi and
Akhvakh, allow us to establish a rather complete reconstruction of the original PA
system.
1.4.1. Consonantism.
The PA system of consonants was reconstructed in the important book of T.
E. Gudava ([Gudava 1964]). We accept it with the following minor modifications:
1) In the book of T. Gudava the opposition of PA fricatives * and *x is
apparently not quite reliably reconstructed (see a detailed criticism in [Starostin
1987]).
2) The PA system of laryngeal consonants needs some corrections (it is
examined least of all in the book of T.Gudava); we have also added the
reconstruction of the clusters "resonant+laryngeal", absent in his book.
We reconstruct the following consonant system for PA:
Labials |
p |
b |
|
|
|
|
w |
m
|
Dentals |
t |
d |
|
|
|
|
r |
n
|
Labialized |
t |
d |
|
dentals
|
Hissing |
c |
c: |
|
: |
s |
s: |
z
|
Labialized
|
hissing |
|
|
|
: |
s |
s: |
zw
|
Hushing |
|
: |
|
: |
|
: |
|
j
|
Labialized |
|
|
|
: |
|
: |
|
hushing
|
Lateral |
|
: |
|
: |
|
: |
l
|
Velars |
k |
k: |
g |
|
: |
(x)
|
Labialized |
k |
k: |
g |
|
: |
x
|
velars
|
Uvulars |
q |
q: |
|
: |
|
: |
|
Labialized |
q |
q: |
|
: |
|
: |
|
uvulars
|
Laryngeals |
|
|
|
|
h
|
|
|
|
|
() |
|
In parentheses we list consonants, whose reconstruction is not quite reliable:
the velar x is generally represented by its labialized variant x (except in the position
before the vowel u, where the opposition of labialized and non-labialized is simply
neutralized); the emphatic laryngeal () is, in most languages, observed only in
loanwords (basically from Avar). As an independent phoneme it is attested only in
Akhvakh and Karata in a comparatively small number of words, and its PA
antiquity is dubious.
The local series of labialized consonants are usually defective in PA (except
labialized back consonants that are rather well represented). There are no reliable
examples of PA labialized *c, *c:, *:; apparently there is no reason to
reconstruct PA labialized laterals (though there are a few roots, where one could
attempt to reconstruct *, *: and *:). Labialized front consonants (except the
comparatively stable hushing series) in Andian languages are in general very
unstable and easily subject to delabialization (in many words with original
labialization this process has already come to pass on the PA level). Resonants in
PA (just as in PEC) never had labialized correlates (though labialized resonants
appeared in Chamalal after the reduction of final vowels). In a few cases we should
possibly reconstruct (considering the behaviour of adjacent vowels) the PA labialized
laryngeals * and *h, but in reality such phonemes are absent in modern
languages (if we do not count the secondary developed from *, e.g. in Tindi).
In the table of correspondences given below we do not specially note the
reflexes of labialized phonemes; in most cases they are the same as the reflexes of the
respective nonlabialized + labialization (or the transfer of labialization onto the
adjacent vowel). We should specially note only the behaviour of velars: in those
languages where plain velars are subject to palatalization and affrication (Tindi,
Chamalal, Godoberi, Bagwali, Andi and Karata dialects), labiovelars are not
palatalized. Moreover, in Chamalal, after the affrication of velars, the
delabialization of labiovelars (as well as of other labialized consonants) occurred, that
have thus normal velar reflexes (it is interesting, that already after the described
processes Chamalal obtained a new class of labialized consonants as a result of
reduction of the final -u and the penetration of new Avar loanwords).
The consonant correspondences between Andian languages are as follows (cf.
[Gudava 1964]):
PA |
And |
Botl |
God |
Kar |
Akhv |
Bagv |
Tind |
Cham
|
*p |
p |
p |
p |
p |
h()/p |
p |
p |
p
|
*b |
b |
b |
b |
b |
b |
b |
b |
b
|
*w |
w |
w |
w |
w |
w |
w |
w |
w
|
*m |
m |
m |
m |
m |
m |
m |
m |
m
|
*t |
t |
t |
t |
t |
t |
t |
t |
t
|
*d |
d |
d |
d |
d |
d |
d(/-r-) |
d(/-j--0-) |
d
|
* |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
*r |
r |
r |
r |
r |
r |
r |
r |
j/w(/-r-)
|
*n |
n |
n |
n |
n |
n |
n |
n |
n
|
*c |
s |
s |
s |
s |
|
s |
s |
s
|
*c: |
c: |
c: |
c: |
c: |
c: |
c: |
c: |
c:
|
* |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
(/-z(z)-,-dd-)
|
*: |
: |
: |
: |
:/s: |
: |
: |
c: |
:/s:
|
*s |
s |
s |
s |
s |
|
s |
s |
s
|
*s: |
s: |
s: |
s: |
s: |
s: |
s: |
s: |
s:
|
*z |
z |
z |
z |
z |
|
z |
z |
z
|
* |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
/
|
*: |
: |
: |
: |
: |
c: |
: |
: |
c:
|
* |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
*: |
: |
: |
: |
:/: |
: |
: |
: |
:/s:
|
* |
|
|
|
/x |
|
|
/h |
/h
|
*: |
: |
: |
: |
: |
s: |
: |
: |
s:
|
* |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
z
|
*j |
j |
j |
j |
j |
j |
j |
j |
j
|
* |
|
h |
|
|
/ |
/h/lh |
|
|
*: |
: |
: |
: |
: |
: |
: |
: |
:
|
* |
/l |
|
l |
/l/ |
/ |
-/k'-, |
-,l |
-,l
|
|
/l/ |
|
|
/ |
|
-l-
|
*: |
: |
: |
: |
: |
: |
: |
: |
:
|
* |
|
h |
|
|
|
/h/lh |
|
|
*: |
: |
: |
: |
: |
: |
: |
: |
:
|
*l |
l |
l |
l |
l |
l |
l |
l |
l
|
*k |
k/ |
k |
k/k |
k/k |
k |
k/k/ |
k/k |
k/
|
*k: |
k:/: |
k: |
k:/k: |
k:/x |
x |
k/k/ |
x:/k:/k: |
k//c
|
*g |
g// |
g |
g/g |
g/g |
g |
g/g/ |
g/g |
g/-,
|
* |
/ |
|
/ |
/ |
|
// |
/ |
/
|
*: |
:/: |
: |
k:/k: |
:/: |
: |
// |
k:/k: |
:/:/s:
|
*x |
|
x |
|
x |
|
h/ |
/h |
h
|
*q |
|
|
|
/h |
q |
h/ |
h/ |
|
*q: |
q: |
q: |
q: |
q: |
q: |
q: |
q: |
q:
|
* |
(G)/ |
/ |
|
|
/ |
|
|
|
|
/
|
*: |
: |
: |
: |
: |
: |
: |
: |
:
|
* |
|
|
|
/h |
|
h/ |
h/ |
|
*: |
: |
: |
: |
: |
: |
: |
: |
:
|
* |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
* |
-,0 |
-,0 |
-,0 |
-,0 |
-,0 |
-,0 |
-,0 |
-,0
|
*h |
h |
h |
h |
h |
-,h |
h |
h |
h
|
*- |
h- |
h- |
h- |
h- |
h- |
h- |
h- |
h-
|
Comments.
1) Andi. The lateral is preserved in the Muni-kwankhidatl dialect; in Andi
proper we observe the reflex l, and in other dialects in initial position and l
(Gagatl, Rikvani) or (Zilo, Chankho) in the medial position. Velar consonants in
Andi are palatalized before all vowels except u and o; in this case g > , but in the
Rikvani dialect g > . Andi (just as Akhvakh) preserves the lax , which is
optionally articulated as G; however, in the Muni dialect we observe the
development > , and in the Gagatl dialect - > (see [Tsertsvadze 1965, Gudava
1964]).
2) Botlikh. Here usually > , but in the Miarsu dialect > (see [Gudava
1964]).
3) In Godoberi all velars are systematically palatalized in all positions except
before u.
4) Karata. The fricativization : > s:, : > : is here observed in the Tokita
dialect. The lateral * has the following reflexes: in Karata proper , in the
Upper-Inkheloy dialect - , in other dialects in initial position, l in medial
position. Palatalized reflexes of velars (before the vowels i, e, a) are observed in the
Tokita dialect (here also k: > x). The Tokita dialect also has a laryngealization *q,
* > h (other dialects have ) and a sporadic development > (in non-initial
position; in other dialects > ). See [ 1971, 1964].
5) Akhvakh. The Northern dialect has p > h(); others preserve p. The
Northern Akhvakh dialect is the only Andian language that has preserved the lax
lateral ; in Southern Akhvakh the fricativization > has already occurred, as
in all other Andian languages. The geographical distribution of the reflexes of *
and * is similar: North-Akhv. , , South-Akhv. , respectively. See
[Magomedbekova 1967, Gudava 1964].
6) Bagwalal. The development of the intervocalic d > r is observed here in the
Kwanada, Gemersoy and Tlondoda dialects. The laterals develop as follows: *, *
give in the Tlissi dialect, h in Kwanada, and h-, -lh- (depending on the position)
in Tlondoda and Khushtada; *- > - in initial position in Kwanada, - in other
dialects; in the medial position all dialects have -l- in the place of *--. Velars
before non-labialized vowels are palatalized in all dialects and affricated in Tlissi.
In Bagwalal a regular laryngealization *q, * > h occurs; but the labialized is
preserved in initial position in Tlissi. The velar *x in Bagwalal turns into h (unlike
* > ), and gives in the Kwanada dialect. See [Gudava 1964].
7) Tindi. The development of the intervocalic -d- > -j- (or -0-, -w-, depending
on the vocalic environment) is typical for Tindi proper; in other dialects -d- is
preserved. In the same Tindi dialect we observe the merger of * and *x into h; in
other dialects both these phonemes merge into . The palatalization of velars (before
non-labialized vowels) is typical for all dialects; in this case in Tindi proper *k:>x:,
while other dialects preserve the non-fricative reflex k: (k:) (see [Gudava 1964],
although the Tindi development *k: > : mentioned there is incorrect). Uvular *q,
* are laryngealized ( > h) in the Aknada dialect, and develop into elsewhere.
8) Chamalal. The development *r- > j-/w- (depending on the following vowel)
is typical for the Gakvari dialect but is absent in Gigatl. In the Gigatl and Gadyri
dialects a specific development of the medial * occurs: Gig. -z(z)-, Gad. -dd-. The
fricativization * > occurs in the Gakvari dialect, which is also characterized by
the fricativization of tense glottalized :, :. The velars before non-labialized
vowels have been affricated; one should also pay attention to the hissing reflexes c,
s: of the tense *k:, *: in the Gakvari dialect (the Gigatl dialect has , but :).
9) The opposition of laryngeals *h and * is tentatively reconstructed on the
evidence of Akhvakh (where there are two types of initial reflexes: - and h-; other
languages usually have h-). However, the PEC source of this opposition is not quite
clear yet (see above).
10) As for other phonetic processes, occurring in the consonantism system of
Andian languages, we must point out the distant nasal assimilation that often leads to
the appearance of m-, n- in the place of b-, r- (this process is most clearly
represented in many Andian languages in the verbal system); the open syllable
tendency in Akhvakh that had resulted in Northern Akhvakh in the complete
disappearance of syllable-final resonants.
1.4.2. Consonant clusters.
In Andian languages, just as in other languages of Daghestan, consonant
clusters in initial position are not allowed. In medial position only
"resonant+obstruent" clusters are permissible. Resonants in such clusters are rather
unstable: in particular, as a result of the weakening of -n- in clusters like -nC- (and
sometimes in final position of polysyllabic words) nasalized vowels can appear in all
Andian languages (except Andi, see [Gudava 1964]) . Exact rules on the behaviour of
consonants in medial clusters vary from dialect to dialect, and we will not discuss
them in detail.
Besides the -RC-clusters, Andian languages also possess very rare and
apparently secondary clusters of two obstruents. Finally, there is one more type of
clusters, reconstructed for PA and playing a very important part in the PEC
reconstruction: clusters of the type -RH- ("resonant+laryngeal"). They deserve
special examination (T. Gudava does not dwell upon these clusters in his work).
In a rather large number of nominal roots we observe very specific auslaut
correspondences, namely: some languages have a sequence -VHV (or -V~HV, with a
nasalized vowel) at the word's end, other languages have -VjV -VwV (or -V~jV
-V~wV, with a nasalized vowel), i.e. the result of a dropped laryngeal (besides the
structures with -j- -w-, there are also cases of contraction, when only a long
vowel, -V or -V~, is left in auslaut); finally, some languages reveal a reflex -VR(V)
(with the laryngeal dropped but the resonant preserved). In such cases it seems
natural to reconstruct PA structures of the type *-VRHV.
The reflexes of these structures behave rather "whimsically" in modern
languages (which is natural, considering the instability of laryngeals, as well as
resonants, in combination with following obstruents), significantly varying in
dialects and depending on vocalic environment. The available data allow us to
reconstruct the following types of the structure *-VRHV:
PA
And |
Botl |
God |
Kar |
Akhv |
Bagv |
Tind |
Cham
|
*Vri
-Vr |
-Vri |
|
-Vre |
-Vr(i) |
-Vri |
-Vja |
-Vja
|
*Vra
-Va |
|
|
-Vri (Tok.)
|
*Vrhi
-V |
-Vj |
-Vji |
-Vj |
-Vr(i) |
-Vra |
-VrV |
-Vr (Gakv. -V)
|
*Vrha(?)
|
|
|
|
-Vr-Vj |
|
-V/-Vr
|
*Vlhi
|
|
-Vji |
-Vl(i) |
-Vl(i)
|
*Vlha(?)
-Vl |
|
|
|
|
-Vl |
-V |
-Vra (Gakv. -V)
|
*Vni
-Vn |
-Vni |
-Vni |
-V~ji/ |
-Vn(i) |
-V~(j) |
-V~ |
-V~/
|
|
-V~i |
-V~ji |
-Vn(e) (Tok.) |
|
-V~i |
|
-V~j
|
(*Cini
-un/ |
-u~i |
-u~ji |
-u~ji |
|
-u~i |
C~ |
-u~j/
|
-u~j |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Cw )
|
*Vnu
-Vmu |
-iu~ |
-V~wu |
-iw/-u~ |
-Vn/-V(w) |
-V |
-V |
-V~w
|
*Vna
-V/ |
|
|
-Vna |
-Vni |
|
-Vna |
-Vn
|
-Vna |
|
*Vnhi
-Vj |
-V~ |
-V~hi |
-V~/-V~hi |
-Vn/-V~ |
-V~(j) |
-V~ |
-Vhi~/-Vhi
|
-V~j |
|
-V~i |
-V~ji (Tok.)
|
*Vnhu
-Vw(u) |
-V~u |
-Vwu~ |
-VjV~-VnV |
-V~wV |
-V~ |
-V~hu |
-V~(w)
|
*Vnha
-V~ja |
-Vna |
-Vne |
-Vni |
-Vna |
-Vne |
-Vna |
-VnV
|
*Vmi
-Vm(i) |
-V~i |
|
-V~j |
|
|
-V~ |
-Vm
|
*Vma
-V/ |
|
-Vma |
|
|
|
-V~ |
-VmV
|
-Vma
|
*Vmha
-V~w |
|
|
|
-Vma |
|
-Vma |
-Vma
|
Many cases of variation are caused here by the vacillation of rather unstable
final vowels; in some cases we apparently possess not quite exact records. However,
the general plausibility of the reconstruction of -RH- combinations seems beyond
doubt.
1.4.3. Vocalism.
We reconstruct a four-vowel system for PA:
The problem of reconstructing the PA vowel *e is rather complicated. All
modern languages have it; but in correspondences the ie variation is so frequent
that it does not yet seem possible to reconstruct two PA phonemes here.
The vowel *o was preserved only in Andi, and merged with *a in all other
languages. Some authors (T. E. Gudava in particular, see [Gudava 1964]) consider the
Andi o to be secondary; but external correspondences clearly show that in this case
Andi preserves an important archaism and prove the necessity of reconstructing the
*o (phonetically probably = // ) - *a opposition in PA.
Vocalic reflexes can be modified in different contexts, in particular, adjacent
to labialized consonants. Most often we encounter the development *i > u or *i > o
in this position (the distribution between u and o is as unclear here as the distribution between i and e).
In the final position of the PA nominal root we reconstruct the same
four-vowel system as in the medial position. However, here we often observe
variations of reflexes (including variations within a single language or even a
dialect), caused by the weakening of articulation in final position and by
morphological analogy. In Bagwalal and Chamalal narrow vowels are usually reduced to zero (they are sporadically preserved only in some Chamalal dialects, and
in Bagwalal - after obstruents). We must note that the reduction of -u usually
leaves a trace in the labialization of the previous consonant.
Except the variations and positional modifications of vowels, stated above, as
well as the development *o > a in all languages except Andi, all PA vowels preserve
their quality in descendant languages. Nasalized vowels, present in nearly all
modern languages, have a secondary origin (see above) and do not go back to the
PA level.
A productive ablaut system, if any, was apparently already lost in PA and is
missing in modern Andi languages (though traces of the old ablaut can perhaps be
discovered in individual nominal paradigms and in the V/0-alternation in some
verbal stems).
1.4.4. Root structure and prosody.
PA nominal roots have the structure *CV(R)CV, usually preserved in modern
languages (though it may be modified due to reduction of final vowels and loss of
-RH-clusters; in the last case monosyllabic roots may appear). There are additionally
some nominal stems with the structure *CV(R)CVR (where final resonants are apparently historically suffixed morphemes) and some individual cases of other
structures.
The verbal root usually has either the structure *-V(R)C- (it is not yet clear
whether we must reconstruct significant vocalic differences at the end of the PA
verbal root) ("state 1"), or *CVR- ("state 2") (on the opposition of two "states" of the
verbal root in Avar-Andi languages see above, pp. 87-88), though in rare cases we may
find roots of other types (*CV(R)C-, or roots with a combination of two obstruents
in non-initial position - these all are probably historically derived forms).
Judging by the results of the MSU expeditions of 1973 - 1978, all modern Andian
languages possess systems of tonal (melodic, sometimes mixed dynamic-melodic)
accentuation with significant pitch distinctions. However, a careful description and a
corpus of accented lexical material are unfortunately still lacking. Therefore, despite
some observations already made (see [Starostin 1978]), it is yet early to talk about
the PA accent reconstruction.
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